Laurence Brahm has 25 plus years experience in Asia developing and implementing his own brand of pragmatic, culturally sensitive economic development.
Written by Anthony Fensom - Published by The Japan Times on 11/16/2009
Book Review: THE ANTI-GLOBALIZATION BREAKFAST CLUB: Manifesto for a Peaceful Revolution, by Laurence J. Brahm. John Wiley & Sons, 2009, 220 pp., $27.95 (cloth)
London's famous Ritz Hotel boarded its windows, construction sites were
cleared of rubble and bankers were warned to stay home. The event was
the April 2009 meeting of the Group of 20, and no effort was spared to
protect the visiting dignitaries — and financial district — from
demonstrations by anti- globalization protesters determined to get
their message across to a global audience.
While protesters stormed the barricades, some smashing bank windows
and attacking police, the world leaders worked to devise a
trillion-dollar stimulus package for the battered global economy. But
for American international activist Laurence J. Brahm, the best action
they could have taken would have been to pull the plug on the whole
system.
"People worldwide have had enough of the Washington Consensus, with
its combined neoliberal economics and neoconservative politics," he
writes in "The Anti-Globalization Breakfast Club." Instead, Brahm
argues that "our world [must] move from its current era of violence
driven by greed, shortsightedness and frustration, into a new era of
peace, respect for the environment and human dignity."
Originally conceived as a set of policy prescriptions to help Latin
America recover from the economic crisis of the 1980s, the so-called
Washington Consensus is said to have become a "market fundamentalist"
agenda shared by Washington-based institutions such as the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the U.S. Treasury Department.
This is the main but not the only target of Brahm's book, in which he
argues he is not anti-globalization but instead part of a "global
justice movement." Reflecting the author's lifestyle changes, the book
marks a major departure from his earlier works, which include texts on
business in China and a fawning biography of former Premier Zhu Rongji.
After a successful career as a China business negotiator and
commercial lawyer for nearly two decades, Brahm reached an epiphany in
the Himalayan peaks, moving to Lhasa, Tibet, in 2005, to set up the
Shambhala Foundation in support of ethnic diversity and culturally
sustainable development.
Despite praising the rapid economic development that has seen
millions of Chinese escape poverty — ironically aided by the rise of
globalization — Brahm appears to have lost faith in the Chinese
miracle, criticizing the country's "materialist, consumption-driven
values."
Brahm's response to these values and the Washington Consensus is
the Himalayan Consensus, which draws on the region's indigenous
philosophies such as Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam. Its main principles
are an end to economic fundamentalism and adoption of indigenous
solutions; social interaction without violence and equality; and that
every country has the right to self-determination.
The last principle is particularly interesting, given Brahm's
residence in Lhasa. Perhaps due to his work as a negotiator between the
Dalai Lama and Beijing, he ignores the issue of Tibetan independence
and also the corrupt, undemocratic nature of many regional governments.
A former adviser to the socialist states of Laos, Vietnam and
Cambodia on their market-oriented reforms, in addition to China, Brahm
has little positive to say about the so-called "cookie-cutter"
solutions of the IMF and World Bank, while he slams the World Trade
Organization for working in the interests of the richer nations.
On a more positive note, Brahm devotes a chapter to Muhammad Yunus,
in whose development of micro-credit loans for the poor he sees an
"Asian-initiated model for sustainable development that could provide
an alternative to the Washington model."
It is easy to dismiss the author's idealism, and the many motherhood
statements invite criticism for a lack of substance and concrete
examples. But there are some valid points, including the need for the
developed world to open its markets to the farm products of the less
developed countries, the need for environmentally sensitive development
in China and India, and how economic growth is not the be-all and
end-all of human existence.
Japan trod its own path to industrialization and there are few new
lessons in the book for this country, apart, perhaps, from the need to
support sustainable development in the region through such mechanisms
as the purchase of carbon credits.
Subtitled "Manifesto for a Peaceful Revolution," it can only be
hoped that this work inspires the anti-globalization movement to seek a
peaceful alternative, like Brahm's desired Buddhist paradise of Shangri
La.
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