Written by Laurence Brahm - Published by Himalayan Consensus on 11/01/2007

In away, Buddhism can help bring order and balanced growth, especially to societies caught between eons of traditions and the assault of globalization.

“Buddha walked out of politics and renounced it to sit under a tree," explained Ian Baker, a Kathmandu-based National Geographic explorer. "Now it is time for Buddha to walk back into politics, not sit under a tree - because the fees are all being cut down."

That is exactly what happened on September 22, when the previously unknown "All Burma Monks' Alliance" incited mass revolt against the pariah state's dreaded military regime. A sea of saffron-robbed head-shaven monks grasped the attention of worldwide media, paralyzing the junta, before a bloody retaliation quashed the protesters on September 27.

Is this the spark of a new potentially international Buddhist political movement?

To find out, I went to Sri Lanka, the center of Theravada Buddhism, and searched for revolutionary monk Athuraliya Rathana Thero, leader of the Jathika Hela Urumaya party. I found him sitting in his monastery, coolly focused.

"Buddhism can replace Marxism," he declared. "Many Buddhist students turn to Marxism to change society thinking Buddhism is religion an d cannot change the material ways of life. Our pan y is the first one to openly declare using Buddhist ideals. Therefore, we can change society."

Rathana commands the intellectual consensus in Sri Lanka. To some, his agenda sounds radical; to others, rational. Considered an "opposition party", he keeps a direct line to Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa. He reminds me that today's peripheral views may one day evolve into - and lead - mainstream thinking.

Interestingly, Rathana's view sheds light on what could be an undercurrent in Chinese President Hu jintao's agenda. Hu seeks to justify a self-proclaimed Marxist political framework (now completely capitalist in practice) by citing "social harmony" - essentially a Buddhist philosophy - hoping to avert class struggle, which may be inevitable as China's lopsided growth widens the gap between the rich and the poor.

As China convened its 17th Party Congress last month, the emergence of a Buddhist party is probably the last thing: on Hu's mind. In the past, China's Communist Part y shunned any form of organized religion, fearing its influence over the social order. Ironically, man y of the themes in Hu's speech on a "harmonious society" ideology, now aggressively disseminated through propaganda organs nationally, come from purely Buddhist ideals. These same ideals are now crossing borders between China and South Asia, which comprise the world 's largest economic growth engines.

But can these ancient philosophies merge across borders to form a new consensus of values in the economic, political and social fields?

South Asia, after decades of cyclical poverty now blamed on World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies, urgently needs independent economic models. China's centrally planned but high-growth economy, driven in part by infrastructure spending, is one option to fast-track poverty alleviation.

But blistering economic growth often leaves societies fractured along ethnic and class lines, when rising social and income expectations cannot be managed. In a reverse process, concepts such as Bhutan's "gross national happiness" as a gauge of prosperity and Nobel peace prize-winner Muhammad Yunus' microcredit model introduced in Bangladesh are ideas that China is beginning to absorb from South Asia.

Buddhist ideals are also influencing Nepal's Maoist revolutionary movement. Its supreme commander and chairman, Prachanda, envisions reviving Sakyamuni, the historical Buddha, as Nepal's national icon. Sri Lanka's Rarhana has supported the idea, lauding Prachanda's earlier "decision to compromise weapons as it is not good to use weapons to get power". Rathana asks rhetorically: "What is their vision?" His own answer: "Nepal's Maoists hope to become Bodhisattvas" - a Sanskrit term for "enlightened beings", people inspired by kindness and compassion who seek the enlightenment not only of themselves but also of others.

Rathana has strong views on other issues as well. "How to eradicate poverty? What is the cause of poverty? Globalization is important but we need balance. We need a common agenda to protect our environment and defeat the materialist dictator ship of the World Bank and IMF. "

Are we witnessing the emergence of a Buddhist force, seamless across borders, which could articulate "anti-globalization and other movements? In a way, Buddhism can help bring order and balanced growth, especially to societies caught between eons of traditions and the assault of globalization. "In ancient times, people were slavery minded. They believed in Veda, cultural power," recalls Rathana. "During Jesus' time, political authorities controlled society by using an object of absolute power. Now they control economics by using God."

Was he referring to the leaders of the Western world?

"What is the duty of the king? To safeguard people and animals," Rathana says. "The king rules by using Dharma [Buddhist teachings]. The king is not the ruler of the people - he is the guardian of the people. This is his duty.

"There is no happiness in only material gain," he continues. "Western people are not satisfied despite their material gains so they are now coming to Asia for spiritual gain. This is an era of material imperialism. Meditation is not enough. Academic practice is not enough. Ritual is not enough. We need political force using spiritual force as Bodhisattvas creating a new world."

It is a radical concept, this idea of Bodhisattvas igniting a global social revolution. Some may think of it as far farfetched, but the Burmese monks may be doing just that. Whether their revolution succeeds or not matters less than the fact that it happened.

A verse from an old Chinese song came up: "I will go to the forest for just ice, and the rain will be my drink." Do those lyrics refer to becoming mountain guerillas to fight institutional injustice, as Nepal's Maoists have done? Or is it about protesting in the streets, as shown by Burma's monks? Or perhaps it is actually about becoming a monk to retreat from the vagaries of the world?

"But why go to the forest?" Rathana responds, referring to the traditional retreat practice among Sri Lanka's monks when they have to go into prolonged periods of meditation. "Bodhisattvas protect the people. Hatred and desire are our common enemies," he explains.

Then, as if giving an instruction, he adds: "Defeat them using people's power. Organize all the people, all those who are suppressed - not only the poor, but the rich as well, because they also suffer. They have luxury and palaces but are spiritually poor."

Outside his monastery walls, a light tropical rain has just stopped. Newly washed, pagodas start to emerge through the mists rising against Colombo's setting sun. Rathana surveys all these and, with a smile, says: "If you can do that, then I can go back to the forest again."

Laurence Brahm is a global activist, international mediator, political columnist and author. He is the leading advocate of a fresh development paradigm - The Himalayan Consensus - an innovative approach to development.

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