"The pen is mightier than the sword." For nearly a decade, Brahm has used newspaper articles, magazines and authored over 20 books to explain current affairs, reshape stalled negotiations, and provide a communication platform to Asian leaders and policymakers. His writings reveal underlying central challenges facing Asia over the past decades.
Brahm has contributed over 270 articles on Asian current affairs, politics, social morals and in-depth analysis of the region’s political and social leaders. Read the following articles to learn more.
Brahm writes: Despite all the openness achieved from China’s economic and social reforms, China’s political system remains as closed to the outside as ever. Thus, the 60th anniversary celebrations offered a rare opportunity to pick up some political messages. For most Chinese, the televised Tiananmen celebrations represented a moment of incredible pride. For the rest of the world, there were clear messages pertaining to China’s military strength and political control.
Brahm writes: Against the backdrop of increased foreign investment, globalization of management and education, the 2001 entry into the WTO, and hosting of the 2008 Olympics, many speculated that China would rise peacefully as a global power and share with its weight equal responsibility. However, in the context of China’s sustained hyper-economic growth model, Beijing feels certain of its economic assumptions that people care only about getting rich. As the goose-stepping parade saunters by Tiananmen, the message ten years on will be clearer than it was a decade ago. China is ready to take on the world, but is the world ready to take on China?
Brahm writes: In China’s diplomatic language, the term “old friend” (lao pengyou) is used often. Obama could be given the title “old friend” even though he has been in office for less than a year. Unlike his predecessors, President Barack Obama is not in a position to offer favours or face. Rather, he is a friend in need – big need, in fact – because he has to finance Washington’s US$1.75 trillion deficit. Beijing is the only one who can afford to do so. That means Washington must play soft with Beijing. Obama’s advisers are likely to suggest that he should pretend the dragon is a panda, and cuddle it.
Brahm writes: After a prolonged civil war in Nepal, the Maoist-formed coalition government oversaw the end of a corrupt monarchy and even a sudden property boom in Kathmandu. As the party that controls the street, it needs to be the one that can responsibly lead parliament. Pushpa Kamal Dahal – known as “Prachanda” (meaning “fierce one”) – is now calling for a “consensus government” rather than a coalition government. The Maoists will have to maneuver through Indian pressure and US influence to obtain greater global credibility.
Brahm writes: With both US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner vying for management of the US-China relationship, the former Strategic Economic Dialogue has been expanded and imploded to become a “strategic and economic dialogue,” covering every issue of the relationship. In practical terms this is unwieldy. While the meeting staged the importance of the US-China relationship, China’s own observers and analysts are wary and soberly feel that no substance will come through such expanded and media-hyped dialogue.